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Give
Me Liberty : The Uncompromising Statesmanship of
Patrick Henry (Leaders in Action Series) |
 In this treatise of 1775 Patrick Henry laments the
deplorable conduct of Great Britain against the people of the Colonies. Sadly the time has
come that we must consider, as our forefathers did, the consequences should we fail, upon
our watch, to speak and act for the sake of liberty.
Those who occupy our seats of government have betrayed
our trust. They erode our Liberty, squander our resources and dispose of our sovereignty.
They hold themselves apart from the people, immune from our laws. They conspire to subvert
the balance of power and in so doing render themselves different from kings and monarchs
in name only.
In these inspired words of 1775, we find warning and
encouragement appropriate, to our current plight. Though they emanate from two and a
quarter centuries past, it is as if Patrick Henry whispers at our ear, "The
battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the
brave".
Scott Dawes
January 15, 2000
The transcript below was taken from the the University of
Oklahoma Law Center Website. |
March 23, 1775
By Patrick Henry |
 No man thinks more highly than I do of
the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed
the house. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and,
therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining
as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments
freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the house is
one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a
question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to
be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at the
truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I
keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider
myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the
Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the
illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the
song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men,
engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the numbers
of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly
concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I
am willing to know the whole truth, to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that
is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And
judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British
ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been
pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our
petition has been lately received?
Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet.
Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious
reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters
and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation?
Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win
back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and
subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means
this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlement assign
any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the
world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They
are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet
upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have
we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last
ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the
subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we
resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been
already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done
everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have
petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before
the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the
ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced
additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been
spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we
indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation.
There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be
free--if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been
so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have
been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the
glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must
fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us! They tell us,
sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we
be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally
disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather
strength but irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance
by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies
shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those
means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in
the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible
by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our
battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who
will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong
alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If
we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is
no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be
heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir,
let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extentuate the matter. Gentlemen may
cry, Peace, Peace--but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that
sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren
are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What
would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of
chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but
as for me, give me liberty or give me death!BACK
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